Do you participate in this thread, indeed on Pickled Politics because you suspect these threads need counter-balance on Israeli politics?

I participate because I am lonely at home and occasisonally need to blog – no other agenda.

I agree with the view that before it withdraws from the WB, Hamas needs to change its charter.

Do I assume Hamas will stop fighting if Israel withdraws even then? No I don’t… but I never said I think I see Hamas as a benign body. And this is where I think an international peacekeeping force would help.

Let me clarify – the Hamas charter would need to change before that.

I just think that PERHAPS Hamas should promise to stop trying to kill Jews (not Israelis, but Jews) in return. But perhaps I’m fucking insane.

I agree. I didn’t disagree with this anywhere. I don’t know why you feel the need to keep repeating it as if I’m happy for Hamas to carry on as they are.

You cannot deny he is the best thing that’s happened to PP in quite a while.

An interesting solution and one that we will never see play out in practice because there is not a chance in hell that any Jew will put their life in the hands of the Palestinian government as a subject whilst Hamas’ charter says what it does. I wonder what planet Klug is on.

And everyone is arguing for a two state solution. I am, you are, Mum is, everyone on this page thinks that’s what should happen. I just think that PERHAPS Hamas should promise to stop trying to kill Jews (not Israelis, but Jews) in return. But perhaps I’m fucking insane.

In the paper, Prof Klug talks about how the settlers are a barrier to Israeli withdrawal and proposes an interesting solution – the Palestinian govt offers them the chance to stay as citizens of a Palestinian state if they dont want to move for religious reasons.

You say it was 50% of what Palestinians want as a state, but a 2-state solution is predicated from a full WB too withdrawal. Shouldn’t we be arguing for a move towards that? That doesnt mean attacks by rogue terrorist groups should be tolerated. I believe a UN Peacekeeping force or an Arab force should move in to maintain peace.

How do we know that Hamas won’t follow suit?

You are kidding me. Israel uprooted its own settlers against a considerable groundswell of public opinion and you don’t see that as a big move? Gaza is fifty per cent of what the Palestinians wanted, for crying out loud. And as soon as Israel left it was used as a base to bomb them. You think Israel should unilaterally withdraw from the West Bank so that the same can happen there? Jesus.

Hi Chairwoman, there are two elements here. Do I think you’re blinkered because you’re Jewish? No. There are plenty more people far more blinkered and polarising on this issue (like Christian evangelical Zionists) than you. So your faith has nothing to do with it, I’m interested in your arguments rather than your emotions.

Similarly you see me as blinkered. Now this is clearly a subjective label because frankly speaking if I think I’m sitting somewhere in the middle then both sides accuse me of being blinkered and not going far enough. Or being oblivious to their side.

Ok I’ll take that as given. But we’re talking here about how to go forward. My view is that the current state of affairs is not maintainable indefinitely. So how do we go forward should be the question.

That is the debate that Prof Tony Klug has tried to start by saying that there are lots of signs on either side that people want peace. I don’t believe it is merely an Israeli initative.

If both sides want peace then the way to move forward could be to call their bluff on statements they have already made. As I copied and pasted above. But to get the ball rolling, given it is the supreme power in the region and controller of where funds get allocated, Israel has to make a big viable move. I don’t see withdrawing from Gaza as that big a move. They should have done that ages ago. Withdrawal from the West Bank would be nice too?

I’m not saying in the medium term Hamas should not be neutralised. Absolutely it should be. But I’m saying, and echoing the statements of many others, that in the short term Hamas has to be engaged for any political solution.

These orgs set standards of fair play for competing states . They operate outside of offical aid and development assistance of countries and the poltiical agendas behind ‘aid’ policies.

These orgs are are the last word on conflicts.

There is a history of orgs like MSF, Amnesty, and they are reliable on human rights abuse on all coutnries and countries with excesses like Israel. No holds barred.

You are on shaky grounds if you dismiss the views of neutral arbitrators.

It was only within the last couple of years that Magon Dovid Adom (Israel’s version of the Red Cross) was finally allowed to join the club, and even now, when assisting in disasters outside Israel, they have to cover up the Magon Dovid (Star of David) with a diamond shape, or something similar so as not to offend other people, for crying out loud.

Anas – Regardless of how likely it is that Hamas could carry through its desire to eliminate Jews from the face of the earth, if you are part of an ethnic group that lost a large proportion of its people, within living memory, at the hands of a group that had expressed similar views, you tend to be a tad touchy about it.

I am also sure that you are both aware that aid is entering Gaza from Israel. Today vegetables and oil, and tomorrow flour and more medical supplies. These are what the administration in Gaza has asked for.

And regardless of what some idiot whose name escapes me said about Israel cutting off gas and electricity, this is, according to statements made, highly unlikely to happen.

I am sure many are better informed than me, but Amnesty doesn’t call on Israel to merely scale back on human rights violitions and killings.

It calls for Israel to be punished for numerous war crimes committed in its occupation.

It puts things into perspective for me.

Sorry to take space but it clears up a few perceptions that are flying around..

PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY

President: Mahmoud Abbas
Prime Minister: Isma’il Haniyeh (replaced Ahmad Quray in March)
Death penalty: retentionist

Palestinians in the Occupied Territories (OT) suffered wide-ranging human rights abuses and humanitarian conditions deteriorated significantly due to military and punitive economic actions by Israel, cuts in international aid and growing violence between rival Palestinian political factions. Killings of Palestinians by Israeli forces increased threefold compared to the previous year, totalling more than 650; some of the victims were militants engaged in violence against Israel, but half were unarmed civilians. Palestinian armed groups carried out further attacks on Israelis, killing 27 Israelis, half the previous year’s figure, of whom 21 were civilians. Inter-factional violence between rival Palestinian security forces and armed groups increased; some 150 people were killed in gun battles and attacks, including scores of civilian bystanders. Abductions of Palestinians and foreign nationals, notably journalists and aid workers, were frequent. Foreigners were promptly released unharmed, whereas some Palestinians were killed or ill-treated. Impunity remained widespread, with law enforcement and the administration of justice virtually paralysed by inter-factional confrontations.
Background

Inter-factional tensions increased after President Mahmoud Abbas’ Fatah party, which had ruled the Palestinian Authority (PA) since its establishment more than a decade earlier, was defeated by the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) in parliamentary elections in January. Hamas formed a government, headed by Prime Minister Isma’il Haniyeh, in March. Armed confrontations between rival security forces and armed groups increased as repeated attempts to form a coalition government of national unity failed. In December President Abbas announced his intention to call presidential and parliamentary elections, sparking a new wave of inter-factional fighting.

Following the establishment of a government led by Hamas, which refused to recognize the state of Israel, the Israeli government began confiscating tax duties due to the PA, and key Western donors ceased direct aid to the PA government on the grounds that they considered Hamas a “terrorist organization”. This created a deepening crisis in the Palestinian economy, exacerbated by frequent Israeli military attacks on Palestinian infrastructure and a blockade imposed by Israel on the OPT. The Gaza Strip bore the brunt of the Israeli bombardments and blockade. At the same time, Palestinian armed groups increased their firing of homemade “Qassam” rockets from the Gaza Strip into the south of Israel, notably in the second half of the year.
Deteriorating economic and social conditions

Conditions for Palestinians in the OPT deteriorated throughout the year. Their economic situation was hit hard by Israel’s confiscation of import tax duties that it collects on behalf of the PA, half the entire PA government budget; the cut in aid to the PA government by international donors, notably the European Union (EU) and the USA; and banking sanctions imposed by Israel, which prevented the transfer of funds to the Hamas administration. The measures left the PA government, the largest employer in the OPT, unable to pay salaries or deliver health, education and other key services to three and a half million Palestinians living under Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

The international community took no measures to require Israel, as the occupying power, to meet its obligation under international law to ensure the basic humanitarian needs of the Palestinian population. The EU established a Temporary International Mechanism (TIM) in an effort to reduce the humanitarian crisis. However, by the end of the year it was still not fully operational and did not prevent further deterioration of the already overstretched health sector, which could not cope with a growing number of patients. The increased demand was caused by the numerous casualties of Israeli military attacks and the patients who were prevented from seeking treatment abroad by the continuing Israeli blockade on the Gaza Strip.

Education and other crucial public services were similarly affected by the lack of funds, particularly when the PA was unable to pay the salaries of more than 150,000 public sector workers for several months. In September teachers joined other public sector workers striking to protest against the non-payment of their salaries. The education of hundreds of thousands of children was disrupted as a result. In December UN aid agencies launched a US$450 million emergency appeal in response to the growing needs of the Palestinian population.

Destruction of Palestinian infrastructure by Israeli forces caused long-term damage and a further worsening of living conditions. In June, Israeli forces bombed and badly damaged the Gaza Strip’s only power plant, which supplied electricity to half of its 1.5 million inhabitants and left them without electricity for most of the day throughout the hottest months of the year, and often without water that is extracted and distributed using electricity. Israeli forces also bombed bridges, roads, and water and sewage networks. Hundreds of Palestinians were made homeless as scores of buildings were destroyed and damaged by Israeli air strikes and artillery shelling in the Gaza Strip. Other homes were demolished by Israeli bulldozers in the West Bank, including in the East Jerusalem area.

Conflict

Palestinian armed groups launched a growing number of “Qassam” rockets from the Gaza Strip into the south of Israel. These indiscriminate rockets killed two Israeli civilians and injured several others, and caused widespread alarm, although most resulted in no casualties.

The main Palestinian parties, notably Fatah and Hamas, restated their 2005 commitment to refrain from killing Israelis – known as the tahadiyeh (quiet) – but continued to carry out attacks on Israelis together with other groups. However, the number of Israelis killed in such attacks decreased to half the previous year’s figure and to the lowest level since the beginning of the intifada in 2000. In total, 21 Israeli civilians, including a child, and six soldiers were killed in Palestinian attacks. The deadliest attack was a suicide bombing claimed by the armed wing of Islamic Jihad on 17 April, which killed 11 civilians and injured 68 others in Tel Aviv. A second suicide attack killed four Israeli settlers, including a 16-year-old child, near the Israeli settlement of Kedumim, in the northern West Bank, on 30 March. The al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, Islamic Jihad and the Popular Resistance Committees (PRC) claimed responsibility for most attacks. In June the armed wing of Hamas and the PRC claimed responsibility for an attack on an Israeli military base near the Gaza Strip in which two soldiers were killed and a third was captured. Hamas announced that the soldier, Corporal Gilad Shalit, would only be freed in exchange for the release of some of the 10,000 Palestinians in Israeli jails. Negotiations were reportedly ongoing but no exchange of prisoners had been agreed by the end of the year.

Killings of Palestinians by Israeli forces increased threefold compared to the previous years (see Israel and the Occupied Territories entry). Some 650 Palestinians, half of them unarmed civilians and including about 120 children, were killed in Israeli air strikes, artillery shelling and reckless shooting into densely populated refugee camps and residential areas. Israeli forces bombed and destroyed several PA government ministries and other buildings, housing charities and institutions linked to Hamas. Israeli attacks escalated dramatically after the capture of Gilad Shalit in June. Most of the Israeli attacks targeted the Gaza Strip, although scores of Palestinians were also killed in towns and villages throughout the West Bank.
Unlawful killings, lawlessness and impunity

Security forces loyal to the previous PA Fatah administration and the al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades and other armed groups linked to Fatah challenged the authority of the new Hamas administration, which set up a new security force made up of its loyalists. Armed confrontations between rival security forces and armed groups were particularly frequent in the Gaza Strip, where family feuds and common law crimes often were intertwined with political violence. Bystanders were frequently caught in the crossfire and scores were killed and injured amid growing lawlessness.

• Ten-year old Ousama Ba’lousha and his two brothers, Ahmad and Salam, aged seven and four, were shot dead in Gaza City on their way to school on

11 December, when gunmen opened fire at the car in which they were travelling. The boys’ father, a high-ranking officer in the PA intelligence services, had reportedly survived an assassination attempt some months earlier. Fatah and Hamas blamed each other for the killings of the children but the perpetrators were not brought to justice.

The proliferation of unlicensed weapons helped fuel the violence and insecurity. PA law enforcement and judicial authorities were unable or unwilling to carry out their duties. Victims of abuses were denied justice and redress, while the perpetrators of abuses were not held to account. In the West Bank, the Israeli army continued in practice to prevent PA security forces from operating in many areas ostensibly under the jurisdiction of the PA. The economic crisis and the government’s inability to pay civil servants and

others employed directly by the PA, including members of the security forces, led to strikes and demonstrations, some of which developed into riots such as in June and September when security officials stormed the parliament and ministries, destroying public property.
Abductions and other unlawful killings

Scores of Palestinians and some 20 foreign journalists and aid workers were abducted by Palestinian armed groups, mostly in the Gaza Strip. All the foreign nationals were released unharmed, mostly within hours, but two journalists were held for two weeks in August. The captors usually demanded jobs or political concessions from the PA in exchange for the release of their foreign hostages. Abductions of Palestinians took place in the context of confrontations between rival armed groups, security forces and feuding families, but little information was known about the identities of the victims or the demands made for their release. Most were released, but several were killed, including some who their captors accused of “collaborating” with Israeli security services. Killings of alleged “collaborators” were claimed by or were believed to have been carried out by the al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades and other Fatah splinter groups.
Violence against women

Women continued to suffer from the negative impact of the occupation and conflict, including the destruction of homes, increased poverty and movement restrictions that further restricted their access to health services and education. While there were increased demands on women as carers and providers, the deteriorating situation contributed to increased family and societal violence. At least four women were killed by male relatives in “honour” crimes in the Gaza Strip.

• In August, Faiza ‘Id Abu Sawawin was shot dead in the Gaza Strip, reportedly by a member of her family, for reasons of “family honour”. It could not be confirmed whether the man who killed her was detained.